Ethnography

The Lemko People

 

The name "Lemko" derives from the common expression Lem (Лeм), which can mean "but", "only", or "like" in the Lemko dialect. This word is commonly used in many dialects mainly around eastern Slovakia, Polish and Ukrainian border, and is one distinction between the languages. "Lemko" came into use as an endonym after having been used as an exonym by the neighboring Lyshaks, Boykos and Hutsuls, who do not use that term in their respective dialects.

Prior to this name, the Lemkos and the Lyshaks described themselves as Rusnaks (Руснaки, Rusnaky) or Rusyns (Русини, Rusyny), as did the rest of the inhabitants of present-day Western Ukraine in the 19th century and first part of the 20th century. In the late 19th and continuing into the early 20th century, in order to differentiate themselves from ethnic Russians, Ruthenians/Rusyns began to use the ethnonym Ukrainians (Українці, Ukrayintsi).

Economy. The traditional occupation in the Lemko region was farming, which met local demand. Before the 1880s ox grazing and sheep herding were important. The animals were bought in the spring in the Boyko and Hutsul regions and then sold in the fall in neighboring towns. After serfdom wsa abolished and grazing in the forests was restricted, animal husbandry declined, and dairy farming and crop growing (oats, potatoes, flax, rye and wheat) expanded. Secondary occupations included lumbering, handicrafts and cottage industry (weaving, woodworking, quarrying). The Lemkos also picked berries and mushrooms in the forests and sold them.

ReligionAn important aspect of Lemko culture is their deep commitment to Eastern Christianity. Originally the Lemkos adhered to Orthodoxy, but in order to avoid latinization directly entered into union with Rome in the 17th century. Most Lemkos today are Eastern rite or Byzantine-rite Catholics. A substantial number belong to the Eastern Orthodox Church, which was reintroduced in the 20th century.

Lemko wooden churches have a distinctive architectural style; they place the highest cupola of the church building at the entrance to the church, with the roof sloping downward toward the sanctuary.

Lemko/spiritual culture, with its religious beliefs, customs, and rituals, continues to reflect archaic and pagan elements mixed with later features from Christianity. Still evident are traces of primitive cults based on belief in the forces of nature, according to which the world is filled with supernatural beings that take the dreaded form of forest spirits and spirits to punish wrongdoers, as well as the unbaptised, masked demons, devils, and vampires. These beings were thought likely to be encountered at crossroads, in cemeteries, and in old mills. Shepherds usually knew how to neutralize their evil powers.


Costume. Lemko traditional clothing was distinctive. Male dress consisted of a white linen shirt, linen (summer) or woolen (winter) pants, a white or light blue vest, and a short jacket made of homespun wool. Of particular importance was the heavy mantle or cloak (chuha), swung over the shoulders, which was worn by the gazda (peasant landowner) as a distinguishing badge from other people in the village. All men wore a black hat (kalap) with a short brim.

Female dress consisted of an undershirt (oplicha), a blouse (koshelia) decorated with beads in an embroidery-like design, over which was worn a black velvet (or more likely linen) corset-like vest decorated with silver-threaded embroidery patterns resembling plants, a pleated skirt with decorated base, and an apron with horizontal decorative strips sewn on. In the winter women wore a coarse woolen vest (serdak/laibyk) or a heavy white sheepskin coat. Married women covered their heads with a small close-fitting cap (chepets) over which was worn a shawl (khustka) or simply a kerchief (khustka/fatselyk) directly on the head. Unmarried girls wore a necklace with small beads.

Male and female footwear consisted of leather moccasins and in the winter high boots.




HousesLemko villages are mostly situated on low terraces along streams and rivers beyond flood level. The oblong form of the houses and the method of their construction is also linked with the system of land usage. In most villages the land is divided into wide strips that run crosswise through the valley

In most cases, the houses in the Lemko Region had windows facing the road; that is. their front facade. However, in the far western parts of the region there are villages where the houses stand sidewise to the road The reason for this was that in these localities there were wider river valleys, making it easier to drive into most of the farmsteads.

The classic type of Lemko dwelling was the rectangular or row house. These are rural village structures in which the farm buildings are built one touching the other, all under the same roof as the house. Such Lemko houses are composed of the dwelling unit - the room inhabited by the family (chyza), the entrance passage (sini), and the storehouse or pantry (komora); followed by the stables or cattle barn (staynia); the threshing barn and grain-storage room (pelevnia); and lastly the machinery and wagon barn (sopa).


The Ukrainian writer, Vasyl' Zemljak, described a Lemko village with its houses in his novel, Green Mills: "The buildings here were brought together in a long line and served all the needs of the farm - the family dwelling, cowbarn, and grain-storage under one roof with the hayloft above. Wooden double-doors or a gate led to the hay loft, but narrow doors to the entrance passage of the house." This description actually refers to a village of Lemko settlers who as early as the nineteenth century emigrated from the Presov Region to Podolia in the western Ukraine, where their descendants remain to this day.

The folk architecture in the Lemko Region has inherited much that is archaic, that is, old building traditions which have been retained but adapted to local conditions, be they geographic, ethnic, or socioeconomic. The houses were most often made of split, half-round fir logs. In far northwestern Transcarpathia (Subcarpathian Rus'), these were very often oak logs. The round side of the split logs formed the exterior, the flat side the interior walls. At the corners the timbers were fitted by overlapping through use of a simple interlock device or a fish-tail joint. Dry forest-moss was packed between the joints of the rounded logs. The roofs were thatched with straw, and the houses usually had two sloping surfaces.

On the exterior, the timbers were rubbed with crude oil, which not only preserved the walls from rot and worms, but even served as a sort of ornamentation. In villages lacking such oil, burnt clay mixed with water and/or linseed oil was used instead. The rounded logs were filled in or packed along the whole length with moss and clay. This "mortar" was then whitewashed, so that the resulting horizontal stripes stood out vividly against the dark oily background of the logs, thereby underlining the structure of the house.

The living space was quite spacious, in contrast to the entrance doors which were usually very low and narrow. Windows in most cases had nine small panes: sometimes two windows were built side by side. Inside the house, the walls were coated with clay and whitewashed with lime or chalk. The ceiling, however, was rubbed with crude oil or with a thick paste of brickdust and linseed oil.

Much attention was given to decorating the exterior walls. For color, white or bright yellow clay was used. Decorations included various ornamental motifs, such as solar signs, sickles, pothooks, angles, the tree of life, braids, and flowers (the basic motif being a pine branch or stem and a flower). Flowers were most often depicted on flat doors. There was also the tradition that a "flower" must have as many stems or twigs as there were members of the family living in the house. When a child was born, another pair of branches was painted underneath. On the big gate-doors, usually birds were painted .


Inside the house, paintings were few. The walls were white-washed with lime and blueing. Sometimes near the window, colorful streaks and dots were painted, as well as around the contour of certain parts of the big stove. These designs were made by those who believed in the magical power of such signs, which allegedly protected everybody who lived in the house from evil.

The designs were executed with a cloth wrapped round a stick, or with a cat hair's brush. Painting was usually done before important holidays: in spring before Easter; in winter before Christmas; or at other times before 'holy days' or monthly festivals. The ornaments were not copies, but always drawn anew from memory. They were executed mostly by girls and elderly women.

This painting tradition in the Lemko Region began to disappear in the decades after World War II, but thanks to the labor of love carried out by Iryna Dobrians'ka, one of the organizers of the Lemko Museum in Sanok, Poland and now a researcher at the State Museum of Ethnic Studies and Applied Art of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences in Kiev, the tradition has been carefully investigated. Dobrians'ka has prepared an album of Lemko wall-painting designs, which is preserved today in the Museum of Ukrainian Folk Architecture and Traditional Life in Kyiv.

With regard to the layout of the interior, the '"mouth" of the stove was turned toward a side wall. The bed was then set between the stove and the side wall. It had a big feather or down mattress and above it hung a pegged board for hanging Sunday clothes. In certain localities, on the side wall at the head of the bed there was a shelf for dishes. Along the side and front walls, there were benches. Between them would be placed a high table or a chest which was always covered with a white towel which served for covering bread.

Various additions could be built onto the row house - a closed porch for hay and straw and for various garden or farm tools, a pigpen, a fold for sheep, and a stall for the horse.

(from Archyp Danyljuk)








 
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